| The
trouble had started two weeks earlier. Enraged at the fatal police
shooting of a young Latina bystander during a drug bust, a late-night
mob descended on a Texas Department of Public Safety complex and
torched the empty buildings. By morning, a local newscast of the
barrio’s law-and-order meltdown mushroomed into a major story,
drawing the national media to San Antonio. Since then, the presence
of network cameras had incited the south side’s bored and
jobless teenagers into nightly rioting. Seizing
the national spotlight, the governor of Texas vowed looters would
be shot on sight. Octavio Perez, a radical community leader, angrily
announced that force would be met with force. He called on Mexican-Americans
to arm themselves and resist if necessary.
Disdaining
Perez’s warning, Edward Cole, a twenty-six-year-old National
Guard Lieutenant, chose a provocative location for his downtown
command post: the Alamo.
“This
won’t be the first time this place has been surrounded by
a shitload of angry Mexicans,” Cole told his platoon of
weekend warriors outside the shutdown tourist site. A high school
gym teacher for most of the year, Lieutenant Cole had been called
up to lead a Texas National Guard detachment. Their orders were
to keep San Antonio’s south side rioting from spreading
downtown.
Now
Cole was fielding yet another call over the radio.
“Lieutenant,
we got some beaners tearing the hell out of a liquor store two
blocks south of my position,” the sentry reported.
“How
many?”
“I’d
say fifty to a hundred.”
“Sit
tight, Corporal. The cavalry is coming to the rescue,” Cole
said, trying his best to sound cool and confident. From a two-day
training session on crowd control, he’d learned that a rapid
show of strength was essential in dispersing a mob. But the colonel
who had briefed Cole for the mission had been very clear about
the governor’s statement.
“Your
men are authorized to fire their weapons only in self-defense,”
the colonel had ordered. “And even then, it had damn well
better be as a last resort, Lieutenant. The governor wants to
deter violence, not provoke it.”
Lieutenant
Cole had never seen combat. But he was sure he could deal with
a small crowd of unruly Mexicans. After all, he had eight men
armed with M-16A automatic rifles under his command. Cole put
on his helmet, smoothed out his crisply ironed ascot, and ordered
his men into the three reconditioned Humvees at his disposal.
“Let’s
move out,” he said over the lead Humvee’s radio. With
the convoy underway, Cole turned to his driver. “Step on
it, Baker. We don’t want to let this thing get out of hand.”
As the driver accelerated, the young lieutenant envisioned his
dramatic entrance . . .
Bullhorn
in hand, he’d emerge from the vehicle surrounded by a squad
of armed troopers, the awed crowd quickly scattering as he ordered
them to disperse . . .
Drifting
back from his daydream, Cole noticed they were closing fast on
the crowd outside the liquor store. Too fast.
“Stop,
Baker! Stop!” Cole yelled.
The
startled driver slammed on the brakes, triggering a chain collision
with the vehicles trailing close behind. Shaken but unhurt, Cole
looked through the window at the laughing faces outside. Instead
of arriving like the 7th Cavalry, they’d wound up looking
like the Keystone Kops.
Then
a liquor bottle struck Cole’s Humvee. Like the opening drop
of a summer downpour, it was soon followed by the deafening sound
of glass bottles shattering against metal.
“Let’s
open up on these bastards, Lieutenant! They’re gonna kill
us!” the driver shouted.
Cole
shook his head, realizing his plan had been a mistake. “Negative,
Baker! We’re pulling out.”
But
before the lieutenant could grab the radio transmitter to relay
his order, the driver’s window shattered.
“I’m
hit! I’m hit! Oh, my God. I’m hit!” the driver
shrieked, clutching his head. A cascade of blood flowed down Baker’s
nose and cheeks. He’d only suffered a gash on the forehead
from the broken glass, but all the same, it was as shocking as
a mortal wound. Never one to stomach the sight of blood, Baker
passed out, slumping into his seat.
Cole
couldn’t allow himself to panic; with no window and no driver
he was far too vulnerable. Mind racing, he stared outside and
soon noticed a group of shadowy figures crouching along the roof
of the liquor store. Were they carrying weapons?
“Listen
up, people. I think we might have snipers on the roof! I repeat,
snipers on the roof!” Cole yelled into the radio. “Let’s
lock and load! Have your weapons ready to return fire!”
On
the verge of panic, the part-time soldiers fumbled nervously with
their rifles as the drunken mob closed on the convoy, pounding
against the vehicles.
The
window on Cole’s side caved in with a terrifying crash.
The rattled young lieutenant was certain he now faced a life or
death decision—and he was determined to save his men. With
the radio still in hand, Lieutenant Edward Cole gave an order
he would forever regret.
“We’re
under attack. Open fire!”
When
it was over, twenty-three people lay dead on the black pavement
beneath the neon sign of the Rio Grande Carryout.
*
* *
“The
Rio Grande Incident,” as it came to be known, led every
newscast and spanned every front page from Boston to Beijing.
Bloggers went into hyper-drive. Talk radio knew no other subject.
Protests erupted in many American cities, usually flash mobs that
drew a wide spectrum of extremists.
Outside
the U.S. embassy in Mexico City, tens of thousands chanting “Rio
Grande” burned American flags alongside an effigy of Texas
Governor Jeff Bradley. Massive demonstrations multiplied across
Latin America, Asia, and Europe in the days that followed. The
prime minister of France called the confrontation “an appalling
abuse of power.” Germany’s chancellor labeled it “barbaric.”
Officials in China declared it “an unfortunate consequence
of capitalist excess.”
Fed
by the media frenzy, the destruction and looting on San Antonio’s
south side escalated. In less than a week, riots broke out in
other Hispanic enclaves across Texas, New Mexico, Arizona, and
California.
Many
Americans were shocked by the sudden turmoil in the Southwest,
yet, in hindsight, the origins of the discontent were easy to
see.
As
the United States entered the second decade of the twenty-first
century, the tide of illegal immigrants flooding across its southern
border had saturated low-rung job markets throughout much of the
nation. From farms to fast-food chains, openings for unskilled
workers had nearly vanished in a deepening recession. Yet more
people were crossing the border every day. With birth rates far
above the mainstream average, the nation’s Hispanic population
was exploding, creating a powder keg of idle, restless youth.
Fear
of this perplexing new ethnic bloc among mainstream Americans
had given rise to an escalating backlash. Armed vigilante groups
patrolling the Mexican border had shot and killed border crossers
on several occasions. Assaults by Anglo gangs against Hispanics
caught in the wrong neighborhood were becoming commonplace.
Meanwhile,
politicians had discovered a wellspring of nativist passion. In
a scramble for votes, a series of anti-immigration and “English-only”
laws had been passed over the last few years. Most Hispanics saw
the new legislation as thinly veiled bullying.
Latino
community leaders in the Southwest had grown increasingly militant.
Protest marches and rallies were on the rise. A favorite banner
at many of these events reflected an attitude gaining in popularity:
“We didn’t cross the border. The border crossed us.”
Now,
in a sweltering July, these long-smoldering elements were reaching
the flashpoint in the nation’s teeming barrios. |